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THE CAMBRIDGE HISTORY OF THE BYZANTINE EMPIRE c. 500–1492
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Byzantium lasted a thousand years, ruled to the end by self-styled ‘emperors of theRomans’. It underwent kaleidoscopic territorial and structural changes, yet recovered repeatedly from disaster: even after the near-impregnable Constantinople fellin 1204, variant forms of the empire reconstituted themselves. The Cambridge History of the Byzantine Empire tells the story, tracing political and military events,religious controversies and economic change. It offers clear, authoritative chapterson the main events and periods, with more detailed chapters on outlying regionsand neighbouring societies and powers of Byzantium. With aids such as maps,a glossary, an alternative place-name table and references to English translationsof sources, it will be valuable as an introduction. However, it also offers stimulating new approaches and important findings, making it essential reading forpostgraduates and for specialists.jonathan shepard was for many years a Lecturer in History at the Universityof Cambridge, and was a Fellow of Selwyn College and of Peterhouse. He is the coeditor (with Simon Franklin) of Byzantine Diplomacy (1992), co-author (also withSimon Franklin) of The Emergence of Rus, 750–1200 (1996), author of Nespokoinis’sedi: b’lgaro-vizantiiska konfrontatsiia, obmen i s’zhitelstvo prez srednite vekoveUneasy Neighbours: Bulgaro-Byzantine Confrontation, Exchange and Co-existence in the Middle Ages and editor of The Expansion of Orthodox Europe:Byzantium, the Balkans and Russia (2007). Shepard is Doctor Honoris Causa ofSt Kliment Ohrid University in Sofia.

18 Sees with Latin bishops and clergy remained Latin, even in towns like Taranto where most of the population were Greek. But these ecclesiastical changes were clearly political, designed to exclude the inuence both of the papacy which was under Ottonian control and of the archbishopric of Benevento. The latter was an instrument of Pandulf Ironheads ambitions and possibly those of his successors, in so far as they had any power. The policy seems to have worked. In 983 the katepano granted a privilege to the bishop of Trani in reward for his support during the recent siege of the town.19 But no chances were taken. Latin churches in Apulia remained under very tight supervision. Sees were often merged and then split up once again. Ofcials of the government acted as the advocat
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e. legal representatives) of churches. Occasional exemptions from taxation given to Latin clergy were specic and highly restricted,20 although this was part of a more general desire by the Byzantine authorities to preserve the scal base of the state.
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Despite the continued hazard of Muslim raids on Calabria a problem which, after a pause, became serious again from the mid-970s the Byzantine provinces retained their cohesion and even ourished in a modest way. Not only did Greek inuence increase and push the border northwards in Lucania the creation of the theme was a recognition of this; in the last years of the century, after Ottonian policy in southern Italy had collapsed and Pandulf Ironheads dominions divided, the Apulian frontier also shifted northwards from the River Ofanto to the River Fortore. The area of northern Apulia thus incorporated into the theme of Langobardia became known, signicantly, as the Capitanata, i.e. the land of the katepano (or captain) reecting its incorporation under Byzantine rule after this new title for the governor had been introduced. At the end of the century the Byzantine administration can be seen in full operation as far inland as Tricarico on the ApuliaLucania border, redening boundaries
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21 Monasteries were often the focus for the clearance of land and new settlement, particularly in the hitherto underexploited Lucanian region, and the villages which developed around them were then ofcially incorporated as choria. The population, it would seem, was expanding, although in Lucania migration can explain new settlement
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