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Common Sense by Thomas Paine
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\'Common Sense\' is a pamphlet written by the American revolutionary and philosopher Thomas Paine. Originally published anonymously in 1776, the pamphlet played a significant role in influencing public opinion and promoting the idea of American independence from British rule.Key features of \'Common Sense\' include:1. Clarity and Accessibility: Paine wrote \'Common Sense\' in a clear and straightforward style, making political arguments accessible to a wide audience. The pamphlet was widely read and understood by common people, contributing to its widespread influence.2. Argument for Independence: Paine passionately argues for the separation of the American colonies from British rule. He criticizes the monarchy and hereditary succession, advocating for a republic and the establishment of a democratic government.3. Influence on Public Opinion: \'Common Sense\' had a profound impact on public sentiment. It helped galvanize support for independence among the colonists who were previously undecided or hesitant about breaking away from British authority.4. Popularizing Republican Ideas: Paine's pamphlet popularized republican ideas and provided a rationale for a government based on the consent of the governed. His writings resonated with the growing spirit of independence and anti-monarchical sentiments in the American colonies.5. Historical Significance: \'Common Sense\' is often credited with being a catalyst for the formal declaration of independence. Its persuasive arguments and widespread circulation contributed to a shift in public sentiment, paving the way for the drafting and adoption of the Declaration of Independence in July 1776.Thomas Paine's \'Common Sense\' is considered a foundational document in American history, contributing to the intellectual and ideological underpinnings of the American Revolution. Its impact extended beyond its immediate historical context, influencing political thought and inspiring subsequent generations of activists and thinkers.

It is not in numbers, but in unity, that our great strength lies; yet our present numbers are sufficient to repel the force of all the world. The Continent hath, at this time, the largest body of armed and disciplined men of any power under Heaven; and is just arrived at that pitch of strength, in which no single colony is able to support itself, and the whole, when united, can accomplish the matter, and either more, or, less than this, might be fatal in its effects. Our land force is already sufficient, and as to naval affairs, we cannot be insensible, that Britain would never suffer an American man of war to be built, while the continent remained in her hands. Wherefore, we should be no forwarder an hundred years hence in that branch, than we are now; but the truth is, we should be less so, because the timber of the country is every day diminishing, and that, which will remain at last, will be far off and difficult to procure.
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Were the continent crowded with inhabitants, her sufferings under the present circumstances would be intolerable. The more sea port towns we had, the more should we have both to defend and to lose. Our present numbers are so happily proportioned to our wants, that no man need be idle. The diminution of trade affords an army, and the necessities of an army create a new trade.
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Debts we have none; and whatever we may contract on this account will serve as a glorious memento of our virtue. Can we but leave posterity with a settled form of government, an independant constitution of its own, the purchase at any price will be cheap. But to expend millions for the sake of getting a few vile acts repealed, and routing the present ministry only, is unworthy the charge, and is using posterity with the utmost cruelty; because it is leaving them the great work to do, and a debt upon their backs, from which they derive no advantage. Such a thought is unworthy a man of honor, and is the true characteristic of a narrow heart and a pedling politician.
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The debt we may contract doth not deserve our regard if the work be but accomplished. No nation ought to be without a debt. A national debt is a national bond; and when it bears no interest, is in no case a grievance. Britain is oppressed with a debt of upwards of one hundred and forty millions sterling, for which she pays upwards of four millions interest. And as a compensation for her debt, she has a large navy; America is without a debt, and without a navy; yet for the twentieth part of the English national debt, could have a navy as large again. The navy of England is not worth, at this time, more than three millions and an half sterling. The first and second editions of this pamphlet were published without the following calculations, which are now given as a proof that the above estimation of the navy is just. See Entics naval history, intro. page 56.
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