There is a major blindspot regarding our understanding of different structural models of platformization beyond the dominant Anglo-American markets. This article develops a typology of political economic models of platformization by using the case of music platformization. In order to generate such a typology, the article proposes that we start by identifying variables present in any music market around the world. Three different variables are proposed: (1) platform dependence; (2) dominance of ‘global’ platforms; and (3) the degree of platform and recording industry integration. To illustrate how these variables result in structurally distinct models of platformization, the article briefly discusses the cases of South Korea, the Netherlands and Nigeria. In doing so, a framework is provided through which to interpret the experiences and conditions of musicians, and other cultural producers, in diverse platform ecosystems.
Model #2 is characterized by medium platform dependence; low dominance of global platforms; and a high degree of integration between platform companies and the recording industry. South Korea provides us with a clear example of a country that ts into this model. The rst music market to introduce the subscription model of music streaming, South Korea has one of the worlds highest rates of streaming consumption (IFPI, 2022). However, streaming accounts for a smaller share of overall recorded music revenues than in the Netherlands, as artists especially Kpop idols still sell a large (and growing) number of CDs to their fans (Dyson, 2023c). While international services such as Spotify and Apple Music are present in South Korea, their market share is tiny compared to leading Korean platforms, such as Melon. While MSPs in the Netherlands (and other countries that exhibit a low degree of integration) mainly distribute content that is produced by record companies and music artists, the
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Figure 3. Three models and representative countries. 5 6 International Journal of Cultural Studies 0(0) content. Vertical integration is exercised by the telecom and social media conglomerates that developed and operate the leading Korean streaming platforms (Lee, 2009). This is accomplished through direct deals, investments, joint ventures and strategic partnerships with music and management companies (Park et al., 2023). While this model would seem to provide tech companies with greater control over the careers of music artists, this is a hypothesis that needs to be researched.
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Model #3 is characterized by low platform dependence; medium dominance of global platforms; and a low degree of integration between platform companies and the recording industry. Nigeria is a prime example of a music market that ts the characteristics of this model. Nigerian musicians rely to a large extent on nancial support from corporate brand sponsorships (Serres, 2023). However, while streaming consumption (and therefore royalty revenues) in Nigeria remains relatively low, it is projected to grow rapidly (Versus Africa, 2021). Nigerians access music through global platforms, as well as domestic and regional MSPs, such as the Chinese-owned but Nigerianbased Boomplay the largest MSP in Africa. Streaming platforms in Nigeria are owned and operated separately from the Nigerian recording industry.2 Boomplay is operated locally by Nigerian staff and claims to host the largest catalogue of African music (Boomplay, n.d.). Epitomizing Chinas approach, Boomplay gained its leading pos
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, 2024).
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